We associate the idea of food with the idea of nature. But this link is ambiguous and fundamentally inaccurate. The dominant values of the food system in human experience are not, more precisely, defined in terms of naturalness, but represent cultural processes dependent on the transformation and reinterpretation of nature. A sustainable approach to food consumption therefore requires recognition and integration of this complex dynamic.

This approach transcends the traditional view focused exclusively on production, highlighting how the production process is intertwined with the way food is sold, prepared and consumed. In this context, examining the interactions between these elements becomes crucial, especially in the face of diversifying eating habits among urban populations and their evolving connections with the rural environment. By exploring how people change or maintain the habits and connections that underpin food consumption, distribution and production, we can see how everyday consumption practices are perpetuated and transformed (or not) in different spaces, especially between rural and urban environments.

If we look at the relationship between urban and rural in the context of the eating behaviour of people moving from cities to rural areas, we see a complex interaction. People moving from urban to rural areas often bring with them eating habits and expectations formed in the urban context, which can influence and shape local eating practices. This can lead to a diversification of diets in rural areas through the introduction of new foods and cooking methods. However, this transition can also facilitate a reconnection with local resource-based diets, promoting sustainability and improving traditional agricultural products. In this two-way shift, we can see both the adaptations of newcomers to rural food practices and their influence on diversification and innovation in local diets.

The term “diffuse mixed household” was coined by Vintilă Mihăilescu to describe a mix between urban and rural resources in which both members who have gone to the city and those who have stayed in the villages participate (Mihăilescu, 2011). At the same time, the wealth of a household depends on its access to resources and this is often linked to the degree of mobility of the members it its network. Thus, we can say that in the process of urban to rural migration, when an exchange of resources takes place, such diffuse households are also formed. However, the difference is that it is not the parents or grandparents, living in the villages, who help their children – who have moved to the city – with organic products, but the children who have relocated to the villages that send food to relatives and friends in the city.

Studies of counter-urbanisation have traditionally quantified the movement of people from urban areas to rural settlements or, as Spencer (1995) put it, “the redistribution of people”. The movement of people from urban areas to ‘more scenic’ locations has also been explained by geographical theories of exurban migration. In Australia, this type of movement has traditionally been conceptualised in terms of acheiving a better lifestyle, with migration for retirement. Retirement migration is characterised by a movement towards smaller dwellings and a less stressful lifestyle. In Australia, this migration has long been concentrated in warmer coastal regions. (Murphy et al., 1997)

The choices of migration destinations are influenced by people’s personal histories and experiences with particular places. For example, some people decide to relocate in places where they have spent their holidays (Selwood et al., 1996). In Romania, the phenomenon is relatively new and there are no statistical data or studies on this issue.

Spencer (1997) noted that most studies on urban-rural migration have focused excessively on large-scale population movements. He suggested that researchers should pay more attention to the “uneven development of rural settlements” (Spencer, 1997). Along with others (such as Cloke, 1985), Spencer insists on the need to focus on rural areas receiving migrants. In particular, it is necessary to re-evaluate how we conceptualise spatial systems and, as Vartiainen (1989) puts it, to consider the socio-cultural factors specific to each area. Ford (1999) has also theorised that counter-urbanisation processes are a distinct trend with a crucial driver behind them being the desire for a different lifestyle.

Coffin explains the motivation behind the move from town to village through the concept of self-sufficiency, which includes food production. Even if they did not have a firm opinion about the environment that would change their lifestyle, many of those who moved did so to save resources, and their desire for independence made them more environmentally responsible (Coffin et al., 1981).

Alternative food systems are often associated with the concept of relocation, which aims to reduce environmental impacts, increase value added for farmers and strengthen social links between producers and consumers. This approach is supported by various theories and can be examined from the perspective of the involvement of social actors and socio-ecological interactions (Porter et al., 2009). The idea that moving from city to country is part of this global versus local paradigm is closely related to the concept of relocation. The concept of relocation can be explained as follows: it is a movement to reduce dependence on remote food supply chains by favouring local production and economies (Marsden et al., 2000). Moving from urban to rural can therefore be seen as a form of personal relocation, where individuals reconnect with their local environment and community, helping to build local sustainability and resilience. However, the idealistic myth of ‘country food’ (better, healthier and tastier) can be influenced by the phenomenon of globalisation, raising questions about the authenticity and quality of food.

The objective of this research is to investigate how the eating behaviours of people who have moved from urban to rural areas in the last five years have changed in terms of sustainability. The change in environment from urban to rural areas can have a significant impact on how people relate to food, from food selection and consumption to the way food is sourced and prepared. This research aims to identify and understand these changes, focusing on the adoption of more sustainable food practices in the new rural environment.

The research tool used for data collection was the semi-structured interview, as it allowed me to focus on the main themes and “guide” the participants through the questions I added along the way, in order to get a better understanding. I conducted online interviews with seven families who had moved from the cities of Bucharest, Cluj and Craiova to neighbouring villages. In the interviews, we covered a variety of topics, including changes in food preferences, inclination towards consumption of local and seasonal products, sourcing strategies, difficulties encountered in adapting to a rural lifestyle, evolution of eating habits, cooking practices with fresh ingredients, resources that facilitated the adoption of sustainable eating behaviour, and level of awareness and commitment to sustainability in food.

In order to operationalise the concept of eating behaviour, I established two stages in the eating process that I followed during the interviews, namely: the stage of searching, storing and preparing food, and the actual stage of eating.

Eating behaviour is a matter of decisions, namely: choosing the type of food we eat, when we eat it, and portion sizes. These decisions are constantly made as part of our eating habits: we can decide what foods we buy, how we eat and when we stop eating. However, these decisions are influenced by a number of socio-demographic aspects, as well as housing, and this factor brings us closer to the topic of the research (Hebden et al., 2015).

The environment we live in, including our immediate surroundings, plays a major role in shaping our eating behavior. For example, moving from an urban to a rural environment can lead to profound changes in a person’s daily diet. On the one hand, in the city, we often have access to a wide variety of foods, including fast and processed foods, which can lead to less healthy eating habits. On the other hand, living in the countryside can tip the balance towards fresh, local and seasonal foods, encouraging a more balanced and healthy diet.

In my interviews I found that sustainability is becoming a key concern for people moving from town to village. They develop new understanding of sustainability and this applies both to the initial stages of their transition, such as building or renovating a house, and to more detailed aspects of everyday life, such as producing natural fertilisers.

Awareness often starts with the desire to build or renovate homes in a way that minimises environmental impact, using sustainable materials and green technologies that reduce energy consumption. This extends to responsible waste management, rainwater harvesting for irrigation and the use of renewable energy sources. Rainwater harvesting and composting are two essential practices adopted by those seeking a sustainable lifestyle. Rainwater harvesting ranges from simple methods, such as using barrels attached to gutters, to more elaborate solutions that include filtration systems to expand the uses of the collected water. At the same time, composting turns organic waste from the kitchen and garden into natural fertiliser, reducing household waste and improving soil quality for growing plants.

For compost, we allocate a strip of the chickens’ yard, where we throw: potato peels, onions, coffee grounds, eggshells, grass clippings, even dried leaves. So, as far as I’m concerned, anything goes, and at the end we spread the compost all over the garden. We do this process every year, or once every two years, and prefer it to chemical fertilisers, even though [the latter] are quicker. (Liviu, 30)

Most of my research participants learned to compost from neighbours or the media. They also pointed out that the organic waste generated is also used to feed animals or collected for neighbours with animals, who in turn provide them with meat. Reducing the cost of animal feed is therefore a factor they take into account when collecting vegetable waste.

The practice of composting and using natural fertilisers for the garden reflects a deep concern for the quality of the food they eat, marking the first stage of the feeding behaviour described above. For study participants who have moved from the city to the village, this practice becomes accessible and fits seamlessly into their new sustainability-oriented lives. Although the term ‘sustainability’ is not always present in their discourse, the desire to eat ‘healthier’ and ‘more natural’ are the main motivations behind the adoption of this lifestyle, alongside other cost considerations.

Moving to the countryside has brought Gabriela some difficulties, but also many food-related benefits. Today, she is used to cooking at home with fresh ingredients and sometimes going out to restaurants to relax. The major difference in food quality is attributed to the fresh and healthy ingredients she uses in her own kitchen, including healthy oils, legumes for extra protein and superfoods like quinoa, millet and buckwheat. Storing surplus produce in jars for winter means that ready meals can be prepared quickly, maintaining a healthy and varied diet all year round.

Self-representations or self-identity reflect what a person considers to be important and stable characteristics of the self, i.e. the values and norms to which people adhere. There is little research on self-representation compared to attitudes about food choices, but some personal values have been shown to be related to nutritional behaviours (Brug, 2008) For example, people may see themselves as concerned about health, the environment or animal welfare.

Sustainable food practices might not be an initial motivation for the urban-rural transition, but they become a process they incorporate during or immediately after the move as part of their lifestyle. Being sustainable in food is more ‘handy’ in the village than in the city, as one participant told me:

We eat, mostly, what we produce. When we lived in Craiova, we couldn’t always afford organic produce. We would go to the market at the end of the week, but otherwise we would shop at the market. Now it’s easier for us to eat from the garden; the neighbours help too (Cosmina, 30).

Cosmina highlights her family’s choice to move away from supermarkets completely, sourcing food and goods from local producers and farmers or directly from their own garden. This initiative is not limited to food, but also includes personal hygiene items and cosmetics, which are either homemade or purchased from local sources.

Participants in the survey see rural products as healthier, strongly linked to traditions, and possibly tastier than other products available in the city. This aligns with current trends, that are moving in the direction of valuing those products that better express ecological, ethical and historical identity (Murdoch et al., 1999). However, the reality of farming is often mythologised, making it seem like a kind of bucolic existence, without appreciating the important questions that producers have to face every day in terms of technical and technological development.

My interlocutors’ preferences for fresh, authentic and healthy products comes with the prevailing view that unprocessed or freshly prepared foods are not only healthier, but often more enjoyable and interesting.

In contrast to urban life, rural life offers a closer connection with nature and agriculture and provides opportunities for more sustainable food practices, such as eating locally grown seasonal produce and growing your own food. At the same time, people tend to buy goods that cannot easily be grown locally and supplement their diets with carefully selected external products, with an emphasis on what they can produce themselves.

We buy foods like salmon, avocado and sweet potatoes from the supermarket and order cereals online in large quantities. We bake bread with sourdough at home, or buy from the local shop if we need to. We avoid snacks and sweets and prefer to buy the little necessities from the village shop. (Gabriela, 32)

Newly settled rural residents are rediscovering their connection to the land. They are beginning to appreciate the value of self-sufficiency and the benefits of leading a balanced lifestyle that contributes to their health and the environment. Once in the countryside, many learn to value a more ecological lifestyle. By growing their own vegetables, they begin to better understand where their food comes from and how it affects the environment. This encourages them to develop more eco-friendly habits at home, such as composting, preserving food and reducing waste by recycling and reusing as much as possible.

The transition from urban to rural life generates a deeper connection to sustainability and a shift in values. As new rural residents immerse themselves in the rural rhythm, they begin to adopt practices that promote more sustainable living. This transformation goes beyond simply growing vegetables or reducing waste; it reflects a deeper reconsideration of priorities and what is really important in their lives.

These evolving practices not only become an integral part of their daily routine, but also confirm their choice to relocate. Change is not just about adopting new habits, but involves a profound reassessment of their values, with sustainability central to their new way of life.